Symbolic Political Communication,and Trust: A Young Voters’ Perspective of the Indonesian Presidential Election

Communication in political marketing plays an important role in political mobilization, building trust both in political actors and the government. Politicians construct their messages through careful branding as the power of the cultural symbols and signs conveyed through the brand are potent heuristic devices. This is particularly important in emerging democracies, where there is limited political knowledge and understanding. Therefore, this research explores how young voters understand the symbolic communication fashioned by political actors in Indonesia and how it relates to their brand. Indonesia is an interesting area for study; it is both secular and the world’s largest Muslim democracy. Using a phenomenological approach, a total of 19 in-depth interviews with young voters were conducted to gain rich insight into perceptions of the complexity of political symbolism, and trust among young voters. This study conceptualized political communication as a dual approach. The political brand promise is intrinsically linked to cultural references and conveyed through symbolic communication combined with a distinctive brand message. This builds trust, which then affects political participation. This conceptual framework provides insights into the importance of culture in branding which has implications for policy makers and actors in emerging and established democracies.     

监管失灵与市场监管权的重构

从中国市场监管权的制度设计看,明显存在定位模糊、设立缺乏合理考量、配置分散、监管者非专业性等缺陷,实质上是“政企不分”、行政主导的立法模式以及权力文化等体制痼疾在监管法制架构上的一种表象。因此,必须在推进市场化进程和政治改革的过程中,通过厘清政府经济职能、明晰政府经济职权的内涵和范围、重塑监管机构、设计适当的控制机制等路径,实现市场监管权的重构。     

论葡萄牙法对澳门地区的影响历程

澳门地区现行法律制度以葡萄牙法律为基础。自16世纪中叶起,葡萄牙法律对澳门社会的影响逐步加深,至19世纪中叶,澳门社会基本奠定了葡式法律体系的基础。葡萄牙法对澳门的影响经历了三个时期,所产生的影响的态势及澳门地区独特的法律发展之路说明:不同民族的法律文化可以和平共存、共同发展。     

西方宪政中“三权分立”的历史解释

从神秘主义或政府的内在价值出发解释"三权"分立的合理性是不够的.要理解为什么是"三权"分立,需要从历史发展的视野中寻找答案.从历史上看,三权分立是政府职能不断归类和抽象的发展结果,是长期以来人们不断探索制衡政治权力的历史结果.因此,三权分立制度是社会变迁、政治力量斗争的结果,是混合政体理论及其实践演变的目标,具有其一定的历史必然性.     

Ausmaß, Strukturen und Implikationen präsidialer Macht im postkommunistischen Raum

This research note builds on recent results of the literature on presidentialism to develop a new measure of presidential power. The Index of Presidential Power (IPP) differentiates three dimensions: legitimacy, legislative and non‐legislative powers. The IPP can be used for all types of governmental systems in different political regimes. For the first time the IPP estimates presidential power granted by the constitution in all 28 post‐communist countries. This information is collected in the IPP data set, which is used to carry out analyses at the aggregate level as well as at the level of the individual presidential power dimensions. Results show that the semi‐presidential category is of little use. The comparison of the IPP with alternative indices of presidential power in post‐communist countries indicates that political analysis should give more attention to presidential power structures.     

对警察刑事执法实践中若干问题的实证分析

通过发放调研问卷与访谈等实证分析的研究,揭示我国警察刑事执法实践中面临的种种问题,并就普遍关注的刑侦体制改革、警察出庭作证两个专题进行理论探讨与反思,就公安机关刑事执法与行政执法两项权力的并存与交叉问题进行初步的解剖。     

抗战时期中国共产党对国民党地方实力派的统战工作

国民党地方实力派是中国近代历史条件下演化出来的情况复杂、派系众多的军事政治集团,中共与这些派系的关系是国共关系史的重要组成部分。国民党地方实力派在抗战时期表现不同,因而中共的统战政策也随之有所变化。对这一时期统战工作的研究或许对目前的台湾问题有所启示。     

论中央与地方权限争议法律解决机制

解决中央与地方权限争议在西方联邦制和单一制国家有不同的模式 ,但基本上是由司法机关或专门的机关处理 ,而我国解决中央与地方权限争议的机制尚未建立健全。随着地方制度的深入改革和权力下放的进程 ,要在坚持国家统一前提下 ,进一步明确划分中央与地方的权限 ,完善解决中央与地方权限争议的法律 ,建立健全中央与地方权限争议的处理机构     

论司法权运行的民主性——以自组织理论为分析工具

自组织理论作为研究自然界复杂性现象和事物的方法和工具，也应该适用于广义自然界下的人类社会这一复杂系统。比较可以发现，作为人类社会子系统的司法权运行系统，存在开放性、两造的非平衡性结构、证据裁判及非线性攻防特征，这与自组织的四个基本条件是吻合的，或者说司法权运行系统具有自组织性。同时，司法权运行中所必备的整体性视野、非决定论思想和不可逆理念也与自组织理论的哲学特性契合。司法民主是司法权运行系统的自组织性体现。以自组织理论分析司法权的运行，可以避免比较法、逻辑理性等法学视域的狭隘，为司法民主寻找更为客观的社会学和自然科学意义上的根据。     

Managing Power Transitions: Towards a 21st Century Concert of Powers

Power shifts and especially power transitions in the international system are often associated with (military) confl ict. Power Transition Theory (PTT) does offer an analysis of this phenomenon but no remedy. We suggest easing the tensions related to ongoing worldwide power shifts by introducing a new informal multilateral security governance institution, based on the idea of a concert of powers. The historical European Concert of the 19th century prevented the outbreak of great power wars for more than a generation by providing a cooperation framework, based on shared norms and common procedures. In this article we explore the possibility of utilizing a modernized concert of powers as a framework for managing the coming power shifts. In order to do so, we introduce two new elements in Power Transition Theory: (1) the importance of the (dis) satisfaction of the declining hegemon with the anticipated future order, and (2) a broader multilateral framework of major powers that overcomes the Power Transition Theory’s traditional bilateral “duel” situation. On this basis, institutionalized power transition management becomes possible. We then work out the norms, strengths and weaknesses of the historical concert and update it with a few new features that would be necessary for it to be successful in the 21st century.